On 17 December, Libya will mark the first anniversary of the signing of the Libyan Political Agreement. A time to ask the question – is Libya better off? Is it further ahead in re-establishing security all over the country? Is it further ahead in establishing a united government able to serve the needs of the people?

I still remember the euphoria of the moment and the sense of hope. Hearing the national anthem sung by those who attended from all over Libya. Yes, we all felt the political will to implement the agreement. To finally leave the transition behind and achieve a stable, united Libya.

Inability to move forward

I also remember a promise that I made to a young Tuwargen girl, Fatima,a year ago. I keep her picture with me as a constant reminder. The Tuwargen were ousted from their homes during the revolution in 2011. Despite a local agreement signed last year, the Tuwagen, including Fatima, continue to live in IDP camps. The inability to move forward at this local level is symptomatic of the Libya’s political reality – stalemate and containment.

But there were achievements.

The Libyan Political Agreement was a product of 14 months of patient negotiations aimed at merging the fractured political landscape following the civil war in 2014. The agreement saw the creation of a new executive body called the Presidency Council to begin the process of rebuilding and reuniting the country.

After entering Tripoli earlier this year, the Presidency Council created a government and it is progressively asserting its authority. It meets regularly with Libyan financial institutions to address Libya’s economic troubles. Oil production increased significantly, tripling from the beginning of the year to almost 600,000 barrels a day. The international community remains clear and united; it supports the Presidency Council and the Libyan Political Agreement. Ambassadors are submitting their credentials in Tripoli and, member states are looking to return.

Also, one should not forget the important advances made against terrorism both the West and the East. The days of Islamic State controlling territory in Libya are over. However, as any political mediator knows, concluding an agreement is difficult but implementing one is infinitely harder. In a country as fragmented as Libya, coming out of 42 years of autocracy and nepotism, the challenges are particularly immense.

The challenges

While the momentum and renewed political consensus resulted in achieving several key objectives including the endorsement of the agreement by Libya’s parliament, the House of Representatives, and the return of the Presidency Council to Tripoli, unresolved conflicts are threatening to undermine progress and drag Libya into new levels of chaos. Multi-layered conflicts over power and resources between Libyan sub-region, localities and personalities overlay on top of disagreements on the role of Islam in politics, the role of former regime members and structure of the security institutions. National institutions divided and pretender governments rose, all claiming to be beacons of national salvation.
The Presidency Council has been unable to consolidate the armed groups into a unified professional force. Crime increased, including human trafficking, causing Libya to become the global leader in exporting irregular migrants to Europe. Libya’s once rich economy began a tailspin with a loss of trust in the banking systems and rapid inflation. Libya’s financial reserves have shrunk from 108 billion dollars in 2013 to 45 billion dollars in 2016. The country will face an economic meltdown unless something changes. Everyday life for people is becoming harder.

There is a clear way out

Yes there is a clear way out but it requires partners of Libya to move beyond containment, to addressing the core issues – power, arms and money. Libya needs a strong dose of antibiotics, not aspirin.

The international community under-estimated the magnitude of the problem in Libya. Libya needs their partnership and they need Libya. Without such partnership Libya will not have peace and stability internally and its neighbours will also suffer the consequences.

Libyans of course bear the primary responsibility for Libya’s future. Libya’s problems should be solved by Libyans themselves but they should not be left unaided. Libya’s partners need to present a package of solutions that target the main obstacles. I know there continues to be differences on several parts of the Libyan Political Agreement but, if changes are to be made, the pending issues need to be identified and addressed. Here, the House of Representatives has a big role to play.

All outstanding questions, including the supreme commandership and the chain of command of the Libyan army, can be addressed by the process incorporated within the Libyan Political Agreement. The Agreement incorporated a mechanism for change – its articles are not set in stone.

Second, the rule of armed groups must be addressed. As Qaddafi left the national army weak, creating a unified security services after his fall is extremely difficult. But we have to start somewhere. The creation of a Presidential Guard to serve under the Presidency Council to protect national institutions is just the first step. Armed groups must leave the cities, starting with the capital, Tripoli. Next is creating a united army, one which includes the National Libyan Army in its ranks.

Third, Libya’s economic tailspin must be stopped. A system of accountability and checks and balances must be put in place to increase eantibiotics

ffectiveness. Bickering and finger pointing between the Presidency Council and the Central Bank of Libya must stop. Money allotted against budget lines must reach the concerned parties, not be stuck in the pipeline for months without end. Salaries, medicines, school books and basic services must be delivered and on time. Confidence must be restored so Libyans can live without fear: fear of hunger, fear of illness, fear for their children.

There are other priorities in Libya, including national reconciliation, strengthening rule of law institutions, addressing the humanitarian situation and ending terrorism, but these issues as well as those above must take place as part of the Libyan Political Agreement.

For this to occur, Libyans and the International community need to act now and together. The majority of the population is below 40 years of age, and they, like Fatima, are losing hope to live in peace and dignity. Its time to set personal agendas aside and work for their future.

Martin Kobler is special representative of the UN general secretary, head of the UN support mission in Libya.